ANC Resistance to apartheid 1940s and 50s

ANC Resistance to Apartheid 1940's and 1950's

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1.2 ANC Youth League and Programme of Action 1944-49 continued

4. Basic Position of African Nationalism

The starting point of African nationalism is the historical or even pre-historical position. Africa was, has been and still is the Black man's Continent. The Europeans, who have carved up and divided Africa among themselves, dispossessed, by force of arms, the rightful owners of the land - the children of the soil. Today they occupy large tracts of Africa. They have exploited and still are exploiting the labour power of Africans and natural resources of Africa, not for the benefit of the African Peoples but for the benefit of the dominant white race and other white people across the sea. Although conquered and subjugated, the Africans have not given up, and they will never give up their claim and title to Africa. The fact that their land has been taken and their rights whittled down, does not take away or remove their right to the land of their forefathers. They will suffer white oppression, and tolerate European domination, only as long as they have not got the material force to overthrow it. There is, however, a possibility of a compromise, by which the Africans could admit the Europeans to a share of the fruits of Africa, and this is inter alia:

(a) that the Europeans completely abandon their domination of Africa;

(b) that they agree to an equitable and proportionate re-division of land;

(c) that they assist in establishing a free people's democracy in South Africa in particular and Africa in general.

It is known, however, that a dominant group does not voluntarily give up its privileged position. That is why the Congress Youth puts forward African Nationalism as the militant outlook of an oppressed people seeking a solid basis for waging a long, bitter, and unrelenting struggle for its national freedom.

5. Two Streams of African Nationalism

Now it must be noted that there are two streams of African Nationalism. One centres round Marcus Garvey's slogan - 'Africa for the Africans'. It is based on the 'Quit Africa' slogan and on the cry 'Hurl the White man into the sea.' This brand of African Nationalism is extreme and ultra revolutionary.

There is another stream of African Nationalism (Africanism) which is moderate, and which the Congress Youth League professes. We of the Youth League take account of the concrete situation in South Africa, and realise that the different racial groups have come to stay. But we insist that a condition for inter-racial peace and progress is the abandonment of white domination, and such a change in the basic structure of South African society that those relations which breed exploitation and human misery will disappear. Therefore our goal is the winning of national freedom for African people, and the inauguration of a people's free society where racial oppression and persecution will be outlawed.

6. Forces in the Struggle for African Freedom

a) Africans: They are the greatest single group in South Africa, and they are the key to the movement for democracy in Africa, not only because Africa is their only motherland, but also because by bringing the full force of their organised numbers to bear on the national struggle, they can alter the basic position of the fight for a democratic South Africa. The only driving force that can give the black masses the self-confidence and dynamism to make a successful struggle is the creed of African Nationalism, which is professed by the Congress Youth League of South Africa. The Congress Youth League holds that the Africans are nationally oppressed, and that they can win their national freedom through a National Liberation Movement led by the Africans themselves.

(b) Europeans: The majority of Europeans share the spoils of white domination in this country. They have a vested interest in the exploitative caste society of South Africa. A few of them love Justice and condemn racial oppression, but their voice is negligible, and in the last analysis counts for nothing. In their struggle for freedom the Africans will be wasting their time and deflecting their forces if they look up to the Europeans either for inspiration or for help in their political struggle.

(c) Indians: Although, like the Africans, the Indians are oppressed as a group, yet they differ from the Africans in their historical and cultural background among other things. They have their mother-country, India, but thousands of them made South Africa and Africa their home. They, however, did not come as conquerors and exploiters, but as the exploited. As long as they do not undermine or impede out liberation struggle we should not regard them as intruders or enemies.

(d) Coloured: Like the Indians they differ from the Africans, they are a distinct group, suffering group oppression. But their oppression differs in degree from that of the Africans. The Coloureds have no motherland to look up to and, but for historic accidents, they might be nearer to the Africans than are the Indians, seeing they descend in part at least from the aboriginal Hottentots who with Africans and Bushmen are original children of Black Africa. Coloureds, like the Indians, will never win their national freedom unless they organise a Coloured People's National Organisation to lead in the struggle of the National Freedom of the Coloureds. The National Organisations of the Africans, Indians and Coloureds may co-operate on common issues.

7. South Africa: A Country of Nationalities

The above summary on racial groups supports our contention that South Africa is a country of four chief nationalities, three of which (the Europeans, Indians and Coloureds) are minorities, and three of which (the Africans, Coloureds and Indians) suffer national oppression . . . It is to be clearly understood that we are not against the Europeans as such - we are not against the European as a human being - but we are totally and irrevocably opposed to white domination and to oppression.

8. Fallacies and diversions that must be expected

(a) African Nationalism and Racialism: There is a common accusation that African Nationalism is a one-sided, racialistic outlook. The accusation is based on ignorance of African Nationalism. Ours is the sanest and at the same time the most practical and realistic view. We do not hate other racial groups. W e are the overwhelming majority and, at the same time, are a downtrodden people.

(b) Pseudo-Nationalism: African Nationalists have to be on the lookout for people who pretend to be Nationalists when in fact they are only imperialist or capitalist agents, using Nationalistic slogans in order to cloak their reactionary position. These elements should be exposed and discredited.

(c) Fascist Agents: Still another group that should be closely watched and, wherever possible, ruthlessly exposed, is that section of Africans who call themselves 'Nationalists', but who are in fact agents and lackeys of Nazi and Fascist organisations. Genuine African Nationalists should be perpetually vigilant and spare no effort to denounce and eventually crush these dangerous vipers.

(d) Vendors of Foreign Method: There are certain groups which seek to impose on our struggle cut-and-dried formulae, which so far from clarifying the issue of our struggle, only serve to obscure the fundamental fact that we are oppressed not as a class, but as a people, as a Nation. Such wholesale importation of methods and tactics which might have succeeded in other countries, like Europe, where conditions were different, might harm the cause of our people's freedom, unless we are quick in building a militant mass liberation movement.

(e) Tribalism: Some people mistakenly believe that African Nationalism is a mere tribalist outlook. They fail to apprehend the fact that Nationalism is firstly a higher development of a process which was already in progress when the white man arrived, and secondly that it is a continuation of the struggle of our forefathers against foreign invasion. Tribalism itself is the mortal foe of African Nationalism, and African Nationalists everywhere should declare relentless war on centrifugal tribalism.

Conclusion drawn from above exposition

The historic task of African Nationalism (it has become apparent) is the building of a self-confident and strong African Nation in South Africa. Therefore African Nationalism transcends the narrow limits imposed by any particular sectional organisation. It is all-embracing in the sense that its field is the whole body of African people in this country. The germ of its growth was first sown within the bosom of the African National Congress, and it found its clear crystallisation in the Congress Youth League. It should now find concrete expression in the creation of a single African National Front. The strength, solidarity and permanence of such a front, will, of course, depend not on accident or chance, but on the correctness of our stand, and on the political orientation of our front. Granting that this would be anchored on African Nationalism, we should build the most powerful front in our history.

Conclusion

The position of African Nationalism has been made as clear as possible. It remains for us to stress the fact that our fundamental aim is a strong and self-confident nation. Therefore our programme is, of necessity, a many-sided one corresponding to the varied activities and aspirations of our people, and to the various avenues along which they are making an advance towards self-expression and self-realisation. Our great task is to assist and to lead our people in their Herculean efforts to emancipate themselves and to advance their cause and position economically, culturally, educationally, socially, commercially, physically and so on. But, of course, the most vital aspect of our forward struggle is the political aspect.

Therefore African Nationalists should make a scientific study and approach to the problems of Africa and the world, and place themselves in a position to give the African people a clear and fearless political leadership.

1(C) Programme Of Action, 1949::

Statement of Policy adopted at ANC Annual Conference, 17 December 1949.

The fundamental principles of the programme of action of the African National Congress are inspired by the desire to achieve national freedom. By national freedom we mean freedom from White domination and the attainment of political independence. This implies the rejection of the conception of segregation, apartheid, trusteeship, or White leadership which are all in one way or another motivated by the idea of White domination or domination of the White over the Blacks. Like all other people the African people claim the right of self-determination.

With this object in view in the light of these principles we claim and will continue to fight for the political rights tabulated on page 8 of our Bill of Rights 7 such as:

(1) the right of direct representation in all the governing bodies of the country - national, provincial and local - and we resolve to work for the abolition of all differential institutions or bodies specially created for Africans, viz. representative councils, present form of parliamentary representation.8

(2) to achieve these objectives the following programme of action is suggested:

(a) the creation of a national fund to finance the struggle for national liberation;

(b) the appointment of a committee to organise an appeal for funds and to devise ways and means therefor;

(c) the regular issue of propaganda material through:

(i) the usual press, newsletter or other means of disseminating our ideas in order to raise the standard of political and national consciousness;

(ii) establishment of a national press.

(3). appointment of a council of action whose function should be to carry into effect, vigorously and with the utmost determination, the programme of action. It should be competent for the council of action to implement our resolve to work for:

(a) the abolition of all differential political institutions, the boycotting of which we accept, and to undertake a campaign to educate our people on this issue and, in addition, to employ the following weapons: immediate and active boycott, strike, civil disobedience, non-cooperation and such other means as may bring about the accomplishment and realisation of our aspirations;

(b) preparations and making of plans for a national stoppage of work for one day as a mark of protest against the reactionary policy of the Government.

(4) ECONOMIC

(a) The establishment of commercial, industrial, transport and other enterprises in both urban and rural areas;

(b) Consolidation of the industrial organisation of the workers for the improvement of their standard of living;

(c) Pursuant to paragraph (a) herein instructions be issued to Provincial Congresses to study the economic and social conditions in the reserves and other African settlements and to devise ways and means for their development, establishment of industries and such other enterprises as may give employment to a number of people.

(5) EDUCATION

It be an instruction to the African National Congress to devise ways and means for:

(a) Raising the standard of Africans in the commercial, industrial and other enterprises and workers in their workers' organisations by means of providing a common educational forum wherein intellectuals, peasants and workers participate for the common good;

(b) Establishment of national centres of education for the purpose of training and educating African youth and provision of large-scale scholarships tenable in various overseas countries.

(6) CULTURAL

(a) To unite the cultural with the educational and national struggle;

(b) The establishment of a national academy of arts and sciences.

(7) Congress realises that ultimately the people will be brought together by inspired leadership, under the banner of African Nationalism with courage and determination.

This ANC Programme of Action was a watershed in South African history. It laid the basis for the national campaigns of direct action and refusal to collaborate in structures provided by the government for blacks. The government's reaction was violent and intransigent: eighteen people were killed when police opened fire on May Day demonstrations in 1950, and a law was introduced (the Suppression of Communism Act, 1950, later the Internal Security Act, 1976) which made illegal all organised demands for social change and enabled the state to take administrative action against its opponents by means of banning orders.

These measures led to the National Day of Protest.

Caption taken from Apartheid and The History of The Struggle for Freedom in South Africa, All rights reserved.

Page compiled by Fundile Mqhatu, Department of Library and Information Studies, M.L. Sultan Technikon. September, 2001.